King Francis Phoebus is not a well-known king in Navarre today, having died at the age of just fourteen, after inheriting the throne from his grandmother Eleanor of Trastamara. A member of the Foix family, sovereign lord of Bearn through his grandfather and father's succession, he held the crown for four years, between January 1479 and 1483, before abdicating it to his sister Catherine. Some believe he died of tuberculosis, others believe he was poisoned by the Catholic and false Ferdinand, but in any case he did not have time to enjoy life.
Its coins are rare, very rare, especially those belonging to the Kingdom of Navarre. The Bearn coins were minted earlier than those of Navarre, as Francis was already Lord of Bearn from 1472.
Silver blank made in Morlaas in the name of Lord Francis Phoebus of Bearn (1472-1483) – 2.74 gr, 24.5 mm diameter
Found: FRANCISCVS*F*D*G*DNS*BEARNI
Hell: PAX*ET*HONOR*FORQVIE*MORLAN F fish and a besant
DIEGO LOPEZ COLLECTION
Silver blank made in Morlaas in the name of Lord Francis Phoebus of Bearn (1472-1483) – 2.69 gr, 27mm diameter
Found: FRANCISCVS*FEBVS*D*G*DNS*BEAR:
Hell: PAX*ET*HONOR*FORQVIE*MORLANI F and E Fishes
MONNAIES D'ANTAN, AUCTION 7, LOT 853 21.05.2010
In the case of Navarre, coinage began in December 1481, around the time of Francis' coronation. In fact, although the Navarrese coins of Francis are extremely rare, we know the exact and detailed history of these coins thanks to the coinage accounts written by the coin keeper Pedro Marzilla de Caparroso. These accounts, which consist of 44 handwritten pages, are currently kept in the Royal Archives of Navarre, under the number Document 21, Box 164.
King Francis Phoebus of Navarre (1479-1483)
These coinage accounts tell us all the characteristics, numbers and variations of the coins minted between December 20, 1481 and 1486. Although Francis himself died within these five years, the accounts guarantee that all the coins were minted with the same weights, laws and designs (die and pile) that were originally ordered.
„And empues fetho the right coronamyento Royal of the right lord Rey and procuprado to make the dta moneda that the volumtat of the rights that ordered us the rights of the right lord Rey and for another new commandment given by the lieutenant governor for the very high and serene Queen Dona Cateryhna natural senora que mandado gremiar la dcha moneda de aquella mesima ley et talla con aquellos mesimos cuynos et tipos del dcho Senor Rey Febo de a glorious memory sending one como contiene porel dcho first commandment and assi sefizo segunt se sigue el tenor del quoal dicho commandamyento de nuebo given and in the following form that is signed"
As mentioned, these accounts provide us with very detailed information. First of all, we have the names of all the characters who were involved in these coinages:
- Martin d'Aoyz The first minting document of Queen Blanca dated in 1428 already mentions a merchant named Martin d'Aoyz and as can be seen, the same family remained involved in minting coins even throughout the 16th century.
- Pedro Marzilla de Caparroso, He was the guard of coinage in the royal tower house and the general guard of the coinage struck in the entire kingdom of Navarre. His salary was twelve and a half pounds (livre) for each worked month and was paid from the revenues of the seigniorage.
- Miguel de Espinal, a testator. His monthly salary was one hundred and fifty livres and was paid from the revenues of the seigniorage.
- Martin Cruzat General of the coinage. His monthly salary was seven and a half pounds and was paid from the revenues of the seigniorage. His duties seem to have been related to controlling and supervising other senior officials.
- Pierres Pelayn a carver of piles (bottom die) and hammer (upper) dies. His monthly salary was five pounds and was paid from the revenues of the seigniorage.
- Peton de Sant Johan or Peton of San Juan, producer of steel piles and dies. He was paid 5 shillings (sous/sueldos) per pile and 2 and a half shillings per hammer die from the seigniorage revenues.
- There is also information about a counterguard or deputy guard, with the same salary as Pedro Marzilla, but his name is not mentioned anywhere.
We do not have a document of the agreement signed between Martin d'Aoyz and the king, or rather between Cardinal Peter of Foix and the viceroy of Navarre, but the accounts of Peter Marzilla tell us about the coinage law ordered by Peter of Foix:
Courtesy of the Royal Archives of Navarre AGN, Box 164, Document Subentry 21
Don Pedro Cardenal infante and viso King of Navarre for the most serene prince Don Frances Febo for the grace of God King of Navarre, Duke of Nemours and Gandia, lord of Montblanc and Penyafiel Count of Foix Lord of Bearn Count of Bigorra and lord of Ribagorza from the city of Balaguer and from France. Those in the same place and hear the greeting, as it is by law and law of the right kingdom of Navarre that the Kings of that ensu buen adventure coronamiento right order to make new money in the very noble city of Pamp and that it is poured into this Maria right day of his Royal Coronation.
Courtesy of the Royal Archives of Navarre AGN, Box 164, Document Subentry 21
And why according to what has been agreed and established between the right King Don Francesco Febo magnera absent from the right of his Kingdom and his estates of that which for that reason alone they were governed and counciled in court senaldos in billa d'Olite q su real lordship aya de benyr en el dcho su regno de Navarre et se aya de Ungir et coronar en la dcha yglesia de Sant Ma de Pamplona segun los fueros del dcho Regno dispose e los Reyes y demasses senyos lo hay acostumbrado fazer/pa lo quoal a pte de neassidar seaya de bater moneda nueba segunt dicho es. And that's the same indication of the three states, which we have pointed out with much urgency, saying that there is much money and there is a lack of the right currency as small as it is thick in the right Kingdom, because of which all of us are demanding the right currency. And that's why nos queriendo tryg pa lo que se requyere al dcho coronamiento como ala necessidad del dcho Regno delaqual somos mucho apleno restaffurar. Therefore we have sent as per the prtes we have sent a small coin as a whole of gold and silver to the right of the strange pomp in the house named the tower of the King by the beloved mtro Martin de Aoyz mtr for the coin and the official workers and coiners in the manner que se signe por mamdat se faga silver coins named grosses eq ayan ley de quoatr dneros three grains of fine silver with three grains of Remedio and que ayan de talla ochenta y ocho piezas en el marquo e aya de Remedio una piece d marquo en la dcha talla et que balga lapieza seze cornados. Esso mismo sefaga medios grosses a la ley delos dchos grosses d talla haura la half dlos dchos grosses baldra la piece ocho cornados. Et assi se fagan coin named cornados aley de quinze granos fine silver con un grano de Remedio et la talla trenta e dos piezas en la onza haura Remedio dos piezas per onza. Assimiso se fagan moneda nombrada dineros negros ala ley deocho granos argent fin abra Remedio un grano ela talla quarentayquatro piezas en al honza haura deRemedio quatro piezas en la honza.
Courtesy of the Royal Archives of Navarre AGN, Box 164, Document Subentry 21
Et assi sefagan gold coin up to the law of XXIII carats Sin Remedio of size seventy and two pieces per mark. And it will be forty pieces and seys gross of twelve cornados per gros de la moneda de plata. Haura el rey porel senoriaje e pa pagar los gajes a la guarda ghr guarda carver enseyador pillas et orfebhres por sueldo de ley thirty sueldos y dla moneda de oro una piece por quo. e que aya el mitro por suys desvelos epor los obreros et monederos e por sus trabajos quinquoanta sueldos per suelo de ley dla dacha coin de plata et bien assi por marca una piece. Equeden a los merdaderos q bringaran plata marked de XII diners argent a XXVIII libras por quo dla dcha moneda e de otra plata ferho ensay al Respecto dla ley q contidiere. And they will help the scoundrels who bring everything up to the mark seventy pieces of the right gold coin so that the coin is combined and counted the charges to XXXII pounds per mark deplata como dcho est emquo de gold seventy two pieces. Et bien assi we sent to my beloved mtro Myguel del Espinal, the mercador bezino deladcha ciruk po ensayador faga essay dela dacha moneda prnte el fiel e bien amado mtro Pedro decaparroso merchant and assi bien bezno dla dacha ciruk guarda mtro deladcha moneda e ferbo essay fara Relatar al dcho guarda Buen effectar no res menos mandado por las prtes q el dcho Pedro decaparroso Reciba por el señoriaje por suelo deley XXX Wages y por marquo deoro una piece dla dcha coin de oro como da es y faga Recepta el dcho guarda delaqual pagara a las pillas y trqoqueles q necessitat a V Sueldos por pilla edos Salaries and VI diners por quequel. Et bien assi a la talla to pay the tailor V pounds per month and the assayer for his work seven pounds and X Salaries per month. eala contraguarda lo q es acustomrado e bien assi recibira por sus gages a XII libras X Sueldos por mes dela quoal Recepta le tomaredo en compto las sobre dchas parnos y lo que sobrare qde empoder del dcho mtro guarda administrar y commandamiento. So we ordered that the two gold and silver coins, horned and half horned, should be combined and coined according to the law and carved according to the shape of the said coin to exegyr ergykar and the right coin large and small in the said strange e casa dla torre como sobre dcho es consus dependencias e nztnfraunas adaqllas.
Courtesy of the Royal Archives of Navarre AGN, Box 164, Document Subentry 21
To the dchos Martin de Aoyz mtro Mygel despynal assayor Pedro de Caparroso guarda mtro dla dcha moneda los da plena yentegra potestat epoder qphido por las prntes por las q atb no Res menos mandamos alos otros obreros et aquoales qules ntros officiales e personas subidatas de su ejeza that he obeys them by the right commandments to all labor and help them in a way that I succeed in doing and where we can do this q we commit and command. In testimony of what we ordered to seal the seals of the chancellery. Dada en la cuirát depomp on the XIX day of the month of Noviembre of the year a thousand and eighty one. Fray Johan de Beaumonte by Cardinal Infante and viso Rey de Na en su Consejo prnte los Pascoal de Aranguren Serra y …..
A summary table of the characteristics of the coins mentioned in the previous paragraph would be as follows:
Name | Value | Nominal Law (Fineness) | Number of Coins / Rough Mark | Nominal Weight (gr) | Legal Remedy | Weight Loss Remedy |
Gold Coins Without Names – Made around the Ducat Pattern | 46 / 47 / 48 Gross | 23 carats – 958 Thousandths | 72 | 3.4 grams | Without Remedy | Without Remedy |
Gross | 16 Cornado – 32 dinars | 4 money 3 grains – 343 Millesima | 88 | 2.78 grams | 3 Grains | A Piece in a Crafting Frame |
Half-grown | 8 Cornados – 16 dinars | 4 money 3 grains – 343 Millesima | 176 | 1.39 grams | 3 Grains | 2 Piece Work in a Frame |
Cornado | 2 Black Money | 15 Grains – 50 Millisima | 256 | 0.95 grams | A grain | 2 Pieces in a Craft Ounce (16 Pieces in a Frame) |
Black Money – Half Cornados | A penny | 8 Grains – 27 Mils | 352 | 0.69 grams | A grain | 4 Pieces in a Craft Ounce (32 Pieces in a Frame) |
Summary of the structure of the monetary system as explained by the decree of Viceroy Pedro de Foix
The gold coins followed the pattern of the Venetian ducat, but the name of these gold coins is not mentioned anywhere in the document. The equivalence of these gold coins was initially set at 46 gros of 12 cornados, that is, 4 livres and 12 seulements. These 12 cornados gros were a unit of account, mirroring those used during the reign of Queen Blanche. The minting accounts show that the gold coins minted in 1482 were counted at 46 gros, but in 1484 and 1485 they were already worth 47 gros (4 livres and 14 seulements) and in 1486 at 48 gros (4 livres and 16 seulements).
In the case of gold coins, the payment arrangements were simple, there was no tolerance here. For every mark of pure gold brought by the merchants, 72 coins had to be minted (in fact, there was a small tolerance of one carat for the purity of the gold). The merchants would receive 70 of the minted gold coins and the remaining two, one for the king as seigniorage and the other for the mintmaster, in compensation for the minting costs.
Name | Number of Coins / Rough Mark | Seigniorage | Processing Costs | Merchants' Compensation |
Gold Coins Without Names – Made in the Shape of Ducats | 72 | 1 | 1 | 70 |
Distribution of gold coinage output
Here is a page of account entries that reflects the minting of gold coins, shown in high-resolution, color photographs:
Courtesy of the Royal Archives of Navarre AGN, 164. Box 21. Index page 6 of the document
If we look at all these accounts of the gold coins minted, we can make the following summary:
1481 | 1482 | 1483 | 1484 | 1485 | 1486 | Overall | |
Number of Ducats minted | _ | 2.246 | _ | 1.111 | 310 | 1.131 | 4.798 |
Working Frameworks | _ | 31,20 | _ | 15,4375 | 4,3125 | 15,715635 | 66,67 |
Seigniorage Cash Flow (Libra, salaries, money) | _ | 143L 13S 5D | _ | 72L 11S 1D | 20L 6S 5D | 75L 8S 10D | 311L 19S 9D |
Value (gross) | 46 | 47 | 47 | 48 | |||
Gold coin mintage and tax revenue
As we can see, a total of 4798 gold coins were minted in the five years, with a surplus of half a coin in each year of minting, and it is therefore very possible that a total of 4800 coins were minted (if so, one coin should be added to the numbers for 1484 and 1486). The largest number was minted in 1482, and no gold coins were minted in 1481 and 1483. As we will see later, only gold coins were minted in 1486, with no trace of silver or bronze coins. In total 15.63 kg (= 66.67*23/24*0.24475) gold was used to mint these 4,800 scarce coins over the five years. This is not a large amount and is probably a reflection of the economic difficulties the kingdom was experiencing. However, the seigniorage tax revenues generated by these gold coins were comparatively significant, amounting to around 312 pounds.
To this day, only a few examples of these gold coins have survived, but some of these examples are reproductions from the late 19th century (MAN Museum). MAN-194-874 or case MZ-08738 of the Zaragoza Museum).
During an archaeological excavation in the Plaza de Yesqueros in Murcia, a gold ducat of Francisco Febo was found in early 1993. This specimen is currently on display in the Santa Clara Museum in Murcia. With the permission of the Department of Culture of the Government of Murcia and the courtesy of the head of the Santa Clara Museum, here is a photo of this specimen:
Gold coin minted in the name of King Francisco Phoebus of Navarre (1479-1483) – 3.40 gr – 20.5mm diameter – 23 carat content (958 thousandths)
Found: FRANQ. F: D:G:R:NAVARRE
Ifrentzu: SIT.NOMEN.DOMINIBEN
Courtesy of the Government of Murcia and the Santa Clara Museum 01.07.2024
The Vidal Quadras collection is said to have had one copy, and the subsequent copy is the only one with the same illustra- tions as the one in the Vidal Quadras collection booklet. This copy appeared at an auction in the United States in 2012; it fetched $13,000 but has been controversial in recent years, with speculation that it may be a fake.
Gold coin minted in the name of King Francisco Phoebus of Navarre (1479-1483) – 3.31 gr, 21mm diameter – 23 carat content (958 thousandths) – 13,000 USD Auction
Found: FRANQ. F: D:G:R:NAVARRE
Ifrentzuu: SIT:NOMENDOMINIBENE
CLASSICAL NUMISMATIC GROUP, INC., AUCTION 91, LOT 1251 19.09.2012
On June 24, 2024, the Tauler y Fau auction house put this other ducat up for sale. The auction price was 12,000 euros and it was purchased by the Government of Navarre with the intention of completing the numismatic collection of the Museum of Navarre.
Gold coin minted in the name of King Francisco Phoebus of Navarre (1479-1483) – 3.32 gr – 23 carat content (958 thousandths) – 12,000 EUR Auction
Found: FRANQ. F: D:G:R:NAVARRE
Ifrentzu: SIT.NOMEN.DOMINIBEN
Tauler y Fau – Auction 144 Coleccion Principe de Viana – Lot 1306 – 24.06.2024
If we put these three specimens side by side, we can draw a couple of interesting conclusions:
We can say that the first and second copies had the same die or stack on the obverse side. The obverse side may be the same for all copies, but in the case of the second copy, a completely cross-sectional analysis would be necessary. Although the first and third copies had the same die or stack on the obverse side, the same is not true for the obverse side. All of this data would guarantee the legitimacy of the copy sold at auction in the United States.
If we look at silver coins, let's start with the so-called gros and half gros. We have previously analyzed two different mintages of the so-called gros pieces, Of Charles II of Donapaleu (1352-1353) and Queen Blanche's 1432 (karlin bezala izendatuak). Nafarroako erresumako lehen gros aleek %58,33 ko zilar edukia eta 3,82 gramotako pisua bazuten, Blanka erreginarenak, 80 urteren buruan, % 48 zilar edukia eta 3,06 gramotako pisua zuten. Lehenek hamabi dirutako balioa bazuten, bigarrenek hogetalau dirutako (12 kornadotako) balioa zuten. Frantzisko Feborenak berriz, beste 50 urteren buruan, %34,3 zilar edukia eta 2,78 gramotako pisua zuten bitartean, balioa 32 dirutan (16 kornadotan) zuten. Aipatutako diru eta kornado hauek, garai hartako sistema monetarioaren oinarria baziren ere, pisu eta zilar edukia galtzen joan ziren etengabe.
But the minting accounts of these silver gros and half gros have another side that no one has examined. The amount to be paid to merchants for a pure silver mark, the payment of the seigniorage tax and the amounts required to be paid in minting costs and the mintmaster's salary are clearly explained in the minting order of Viceroy Pedro of Foix. But what was the monetary flow generated by a silver mark and how does it compare to all these payments? Here is the analysis:
Name | Craft Frames Created from a Silver Frame | Number of Coins Produced from a Silver Mark | Seigniorage | Processing Costs | Merchants' Compensation | Total | Cash flow generated from a Silver Mark | Unexplained cash flow discrepancy |
Gross | 2,9090 | 256 | 30 Salary | 50 Salary | 28 Pounds | 32 Pounds | 34 L 2S 8D | 2 Pounds 2 Wages 8 Money |
Half-grown | 2,9090 | 512 | 30 Salary | 50 Salary | 28 Pounds | 32 Pounds | 34 L 2S 8D | 2 Pounds 2 Wages 8 Money |
The monetary flow provided by a pure silver mark
Each mark of fine silver produced two pounds two sous and eight shillings more than the coinage law required. Merchants who brought silver to the mint were paid 28 pounds of new coins for each mark of fine silver (a mark was about 244.75 grams today). The 50 sous income corresponding to the costs of minting was used to pay the mintmaster and mint workers and to purchase auxiliary tools and raw materials (coal, copper, etc.).
The 30 seigniorage tax revenue was used to repair the mint, renew the minting tools, purchase dies and batteries, and pay the king's officials. After all of this was paid, the mint accounts make it clear that the surplus of seigniorage tax that the royal court should have received was absolutely negligible.
Therefore, the royal court's profits had to come from another source, and these profits came from the difference between the amount of money minted and the costs to be paid, that is, 2 pounds, 2 shillings and 8 dirhams for each pure silver mark minted. I have not yet found any information or reference as to whether these profits were received by the royal court or were left to the mintmaster in payment of debts.
The accounts in the document presented here are the income from the seigniorage tax and the expenses for repairs, renovations and salaries incurred by the mint. Thanks to these accounts, we know the number of mint marks produced and the legality, weight and remedies used in each minting period. From this, we can derive the exact number of coins produced.
Let's look at the income account of the seigniorage tax on the gros grains that were worked for the coronation ceremony of King Francis:
Courtesy of the Royal Archives of Navarre AGN, Box 164, Document Subentry 21
Receta Primera del Seynoriage dela coin
First, by a resolution that the XX of December of the year MCCCCLXXXI was made by Martin d'Aoyz to give the coin for fifty marks of grosses, each gros being worth six cornados which were to be given and put the right coin in the crown of the Real deldcho Senyor Rey fr Febo assayed by Mygel deespinal mayor de edad que fue assayor monedado a la ley de IIII diners II granos et medio fine argent et de talla segun es elpeso fuero a VII sueldos IIII diners et medio queson a LXXXVIII piezas y medio enel marquo de l'obra. Et diho el dcho mtro por el recho de señoraj a dcho guarda a XXX sueldos por sueldo Ley contado alos IIII dineros por quo de hobra seguno assimos losdchos L marquos a X Sueldos por Marquo XXV Libras -> Suma Per Fe / XXV Libras
The gros used in this coronation ceremony were made from 50 mint marks, had a silver content of 342 (4 dirhams and 2 and a half grains) thousandths and an average weight of 2.765 grams (88.5 pieces were made from each mint mark, which is 7 sueldos and 4 and a half dirhams (7*12+4.5=88.5). This means that 50*88.5 = 4425 pieces were made.
As a seigniorage, the payment for each fine silver mark (sueldo de ley) was supposed to be 30 sueldos. Since a fine silver mark produced between 2.90 and 3 sueldos (without remedy or with a remedy of 3 dineros), the seigniorage tax payable was rounded to 10 sueldos per sueldo. This was advantageous for the mintmaster, who accepted that all sueldos were made with a remedy of three sueldos, a third of a silver mark (4 dineros de sueldo de Ley), at the lower end of the tolerance. Thus, these 50 sueldos generated a tax revenue of 25 livres.
Let us now see the number of gros and half gros that were worked during these five years. Unfortunately, these seigniorage accounts do not distinguish between gros and half gros, but in the entries of the accounts for several months it is mentioned and guaranteed that half gros were worked. Here is a summary of the gros and half gros worked:
1481 | 1482 | 1483 | 1484 | 1485 | 1486 | Entirely | |
Gross + Gross Half Amount | 4.425 | 12.136 | 39.190 | 2.920 | _ | _ | 58.671 |
Working Frameworks | 50 | 137 | 441,44 | 32,81 | _ | _ | 661,25 |
Seigneury Cash Flow | 25 Pounds | 68L 9S 11D | 220L 14S 4D | 16L 8S 1D | _ | _ | 320L 12S 4D |
Gros Erdien Quote | No | No | Yes | Yes | _ | _ | Yes |
Number of silver gros and half gros coins minted and tax revenue
Overall, 58.671 Gros and half gros grains were produced after these five years.
In 1485 and 1486, no gros grains were produced; the most prolific year was 1483. In this year and the following year, the production of half gros grains was clearly mentioned and guaranteed in the accounts, without specifying the amount. In total, approximately 220 and a half marks of pure silver (about 55 kilograms) We can say that they were worked on. This number is very small, especially after five years and after just a few months. With the numbers worked out by Blanka's latest coinages If we look at it, we see a reflection of the poor economic situation of the kingdom. The production of these 60,000 gros and half gros left a seigniorage tax revenue of around 320 livres, equivalent to a few gold coins.
But let's see what these gros and half-gros coins of King Francis Phoebus looked like. These are also extremely rare, with only half a dozen surviving. At least five are known in the case of the whole gros; two are in the hands of collectors and the other three are in the hands of the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, the Museum of Navarre and the Instituto Valencia de Don Juan in Madrid. The latter was studied and presented by the expert Miguel Crussafont in 1982.
Silver grosz minted in the name of King Francisco Phoebus of Navarre (1479-1483) – 2.30 gr – 24mm Diameter – Nominal silver content of 343 thousandths
Found: +FRANCISCVS FHEBVS R NAVARRE
Ifrenzu: +SIT NOMEN DOMINI [BENEDICTVM]
David Arrarás Collection
Silver grosz minted in the name of King Francisco Phoebus of Navarre (1479-1483) – 2.58gr – 25mm diameter – nominal silver content of 343 thousandths – face value of 3500 Euros
Found: +FRANCISCVS FHEBVS R NAVARRE
Ifrentzwu: +SIT NOMEN DOMINI BENEDICTVM
Beaussant Lefevre Lot 465, mercredi 30 octobre 2024 à 11h00
Silver grosz minted in the name of King Francisco Phoebus of Navarre (1479-1483) – 2.02 gr – nominal silver content of 343 thousandths
Found: F. FEBVS. DEI.G.REX.NAVARRE
Ifrentzua: SIT*NOMEN*DOMINI*BENEDICTV
NATIONAL LIBRARY OF FRANCE
Silver grosz minted in the name of King Francisco Phoebus of Navarre (1479-1483) – 2.20 gr – 24mm Diameter – Nominal silver content of 343 thousandths
Found: +FRANCISCVS FHEBV[SR NA]VARRE
Ifrenzua: [+SIT N]OMEN [DO]MINI BEN[EDICTVM]
MUSEUM OF NAVARRE collection number N004838
Silver grosz minted in the name of King Francisco Phoebus of Navarre (1479-1483) – 2.37 gr – 24mm Diameter – Nominal silver content of 343 thousandths
Found: FRANC FEBVS DG R NAVARRE
Hell: +SIT ...N DOMINI BENEDI...
Courtesy of the Instituto Valencia de Don Juan
These five different specimens, especially the third and fourth, have not reached us in the best state of preservation.
We can notice that all of these presented specimens have three different iriditexts:
- FRANCISCVS FHEBVS R NAVARRE – Copies from the Museum of Navarre, David Arrarás and the Paris auction
- F. FEBVS. DEI.G.REX.NAVARRE – copies of the National Library of France
- FRANC FEBVS DG R NAVARRE – Issues of the Valencia Institute of Don Juan
Likewise, the specimen in the Navarre Museum underwent a controversial renovation in the spring of 2021, before the opening of the museum's new numismatic room. Many other specimens also underwent a similar renovation, which, at least for me as a numismatist, I find completely inadvisable. After this renovation, the specimen now looks like this:
Silver grosz minted in the name of King Francisco Phoebus of Navarre (1479-1483) – 2.20 gr – 24mm Diameter – 343 thousandths silver content – The original on display in the exhibition hall, after undergoing renovation
Found: [+FRANCISCVS FHEBV[SR NA]VARRE
MUSEUM OF NAVARRE collection number N004838
The only known half-gross specimen is kept in the treasure chambers of the Museum of Navarre and was discovered and made public by the master Ibañez Artica in 2008. As far as I know, it has not undergone any restoration and should maintain the following appearance according to the photo taken in 2018:
Silver half gros coin minted in the name of King Francisco Phoebus of Navarre (1479-1483) – 1.10 gr – 18mm Diameter – Nominal silver content 343 thousandths
Found: FRANC FEBVS [DG RN]AVARRE
Ifrentzwu: +SIT NOMEN DOMINI BENEDICTVM
MUSEUM OF NAVARRE collection number N007380
Let us now examine the variations of the cultivated cornado grains.
One of the entries in the seigniorage accounts of the Cornados is the one shown here, the first Cornados' act corresponding to the year 1483. It has a couple of interesting details:
Courtesy of the Royal Archives of Navarre AGN, Box 164, Document Subentry 21
Recepta del seynoriage delos cornados batidos en el dcho ayno LXXXIII
Primo a III de Febrero por otra deliberanza q el dcho Martin d'Aoyz maestro de dcha moneda fizo de CXVI marquos II Onzas de cornados fecho essay port Myguel despinal assayor en copela (aimagen?) a la ley de XV granos argent fin et de talla fueron a VIII quadernas I piezas en la onza que a XIIII granos deley counted el cho mtro dio al guarda port senynoriaje de V sueldos et VII diners XVIII granos argent fin a XXX sueldos por sueldo de ley. -> VIII L VIIII S VI Money
That is, on February 3, 1483, the mintmaster Martin de Aoiz delivered the result of the 116 marks and 2 ounces of cornado coins he had minted, and these were minted by the assayer Miguel de Espinal. through the cup He minted them, according to the nominal law of fifteen grains of silver. The number of coins produced was 8 kopecks and one piece per ounce of mintage, that is, ((8*4) + 1 ) = 33 grains in an ounce and 33*8 = 264 grains in each mark of mintage; that is, a total of 116.25*264= 30,690 cornado grains minted in this account entry were counted. But the grains delivered were said to have a silver content of fourteen grains, and Martin paid his seigniorage taxes based on these fourteen grains.
The cornados used are said to have used 5 soles, 7 dinars and 19 grains of silver. This is quite interesting, because these 116.25 marks of work, with a silver content of 14 grains, should give us (116.25*1/12*14/24) = 5.6510 marks of silver used. This amount of silver use is a quantity of weight and should be expressed in marks, ounces and the like, but instead it is expressed in sueldo, dinars and grains, where a sueldo was a mark of weight (sueldo de ley), divided into 12 dinars and a dinar, in turn, into 24 grains. If these 5.6510 marks were converted to this base, it would give us 5 soles, 7 dinars and 19.5 grains, as shown in the exact calculations (well, actually, with an error of half a dime). Since the amount of silver used was known, the corresponding seigniorage tax can be easily calculated. If each salary or pure silver mark was subject to a tax of 30 shillings, a quick calculation will show that the tax flow generated was 8 pounds 9 shillings and 6 shillings, the same number as reported in the accounts.
Let's now see what kind of cash flow a pure silver frame made in cornados generated:
Name | Craft Frames Created from a Silver Frame | Nominal Number of Coins Issued from a Silver Mark | Seigniorage | Processing Costs | Merchants' Compensation | Total | Cash flow generated from a Silver Mark | Unexplained cash flow discrepancy |
Cornados | 19.2 | 4916 | 30 Salary | 50 Salary | 28 Pounds | 32 Pounds | 40L 19S 4D | 8L 19S 4D |
A pure silver mark gave the monetary flow in cornados
From this we can conclude that the minting of a pure silver mark had an unreasoned monetary contribution of about two livres in the case of gros and half gros, but almost nine livres in the case of the cornados. These cornados were approaching what we would today call fiduciary coins.
And then let's see the total number of cornado grains cultivated in these five years:
1481 | 1482 | 1483 | 1484 | 1485 | 1486 | Entirely | |
Number of Cornados | _ | 8.160 | 71.720 | 69.370 | 38.488 | _ | 187.738 |
Working Frameworks | _ | 31,875 | 267,875 | 260,375 | 141,5 | _ | 701,63 |
Seigniorage Cash Flow | _ | 2L 10S | 19L 7S 9D | 18L 19S | 10L 6S 4D | _ | 51L 3S 1D |
Number of Cornado coins minted and tax revenue
As can be seen, the number of horns worked was not large, 187.738 After five years of meager crops, little for the whole kingdom. In the work of these Cornados 35 or 36 Around 1000 kilograms of pure silver were used, well below those used in the production of gros and half gros, and the seigniorage tax generated was six times lower than these.
But what should not be forgotten is that, due to the difference between the nominal value of the cornado established by the royal court and the lower silver content of the cornado than it actually had, each of these kilos of pure silver provided the royal court or the merchant coiner with a profit of eight pounds, nineteen shillings and four dirhams. Therefore, these cornado productions were extremely profitable.
In the case of the cornados, again the specimens that have survived to our days are very rare, not as numerous as the gros and half gros, but quite rare. Here are two specimens, one from the Museum of Navarre and the other from a well-known collector.
A bullion horn carved in the name of King Francisco Phoebus of Navarre (1479-1483) – 0.70 gr – 17mm – nominal silver content of 52 thousandths
Found: F*F*DEI*G*REX*NAVARRE
Ifrentzwu: +SIT NOMEN DOMINI BENEDICTVM
MUSEUM OF NAVARRE collection number N004837
A bullion horn carved in the name of King Francisco Phoebus of Navarre (1479-1483) – 0.79 gr – 17mm – nominal silver content of 52 thousandths
Found: F*F*DEI*G*REX*NAVARRE
Ifrenzu: +SIT DOMINI BENEDICTVM
David Arrarás Collection
Finally, let's look at the so-called half-cornados or black money (dinero prieto). Here is the first entry in which these half-cornados appear in these seigniorage accounts, corresponding to February 19, 1483:
Courtesy of the Royal Archives of Navarre AGN, Box 164, Document Subentry 21
Recepta del Seynoriage delos medios cornados batidos enel dcho ayno LXXXIII
On the 18th of February of the year LXXXIII for a resolution that the right Martin de Aoyz mtro dla the fixed coin of XXXII marks of medium cornados closed the essay by Miguel despinal ensaydor (aimagen) to the law of VIII grains fine silver and of size fouro a XI quadernas y media en la onza que biene port derecho dla ley a la guarda contando a VII granos por marquo monta VIIII dineros VIII granos fine silver qa II sueldos VI diners is the lord's right to XXX sueldos per Salue de ley. -> I Libra III Salaries IIII dineros.
On that day, February 19, the mintmaster Martin de Aoiz delivered the production of 32 marks of work. Here too, these works were examined by the assayer Miguel de Espinal. The theoretical law of these pieces was said to be of 8 grains of silver, but the remedy of one grain accepted by the law was paid according to the seigniorage tax paid on the spot, which was 7 grains of silver. The average weight of the half-cornado pieces is expressed in the number of pieces of work produced from one ounce of work, eleven and a half pieces, that is, 46 pieces in one ounce, 368 pieces in each mark of work, an average weight of 244.753/368 = 0.66 grams per piece.
The amount of silver used in this production is then reported. According to the silver content of seven grains, the 32 marks produced used 0.7777 marks of pure silver. If this number of marks were converted to a reference of sueldos, dinars and grains (one sueldo is twelve dinars, one dinar is 24 grains), it would give us nine dinars and eight grains, the same as the accounts show. Since the production of a pure silver mark had a seigniorage tax of 30 sueldos, the production of a pure silver coin had to pay a tax of one twelfth of this amount, that is, two sueldos and six dinars. As a result of all this, these pure silver coins of nine dinars and eight grains paid a tax of 23 sueldos and 4 dinars, that is, one pound, three sueldos and four dinars. The accounts are also precise here.
Once again, let's see what kind of money flow a pure silver frame made of half-cornered pieces generated:
Name | Craft Frames Created from a Silver Frame | Number of Coins Produced from a Silver Mark | Seigniorage | Processing Costs | Merchants' Compensation | Total | Cash flow generated from a Silver Mark | Unexplained cash flow discrepancy |
Cornado Half | 36 | 12.672 | 30 Salary | 50 Salary | 28 Pounds | 32 Pounds | 42L 16S | 10L 16S |
A pure silver mark gave a monetary flow of half a cornado
We can once again highlight that the minting of a pure silver mark had an unjustified monetary contribution of around two pounds in the case of gros and half gros, almost nine pounds in the case of cornados and ten pounds and sixteen sous in the half cornado. The half cornados were also on the way to being called fiduciary coins.
These half-cornados were only produced over a three-year period, starting in 1483, over the next two years. Let's look at the total number of half-cornados produced in these three years:
1481 | 1482 | 1483 | 1484 | 1485 | 1486 | Entirely | |
Half Cornado Quantity | _ | _ | 38.432 | 38.364 | 26.400 | _ | 103.196 |
Working Frameworks | _ | _ | 105 | 104,25 | 75 | _ | 284,25 |
Seigneury Cash Flow | _ | _ | 3 L 16 S 5 D | 3 L 16 S | 2 L 14 W 8 D | _ | 10 L 7 W 1 D |
Number of half-cornado coins minted and tax revenue
Here too, the number of half-cornados produced is not large, a mere 103,196 pieces over these three years, again nothing for the kingdom. In the production of these half-cornados seven About 1000 kilograms of pure silver were used, well below that used in the making of the whole cornados, and the seigniorage tax revenue generated was five times lower than these.
But here too, due to the difference between the nominal value of the half-cornado established by the royal court and the lower silver content of the coins than they should have been, each of these kilos of pure silver yielded a profit of ten pounds and sixteen sous to the royal court or the mintmaster. Again, this made the minting of these half-cornados very profitable.
Here too, in the case of half-cornered coins, the examples that have survived to our days are rare, this time not as rare as the whole corned coins, but still quite rare. Here are a couple of examples that have appeared at auctions:
Half-crown of billon, carved in the name of King Francisco Phoebus of Navarre (1479-1483) – 0.70 gr – 15mm – nominal silver content of 27 thousandths
Found: FFDGREX.NAVA
Ifrenzwu: + SIT.NAME.DOMIN
RICARDO ROS COLLECTION
Half-crown of billon, carved in the name of King Francisco Phoebus of Navarre (1479-1483) – 0.84gr – 15.5mm – nominal silver content of 27 thousandths
Found: FFCALL NAVARE
Ifrentzu: + SIT.NAME.DOM
DIEGO LOPEZ COLLECTION
Before taking a look at the expenses, let's make a summary of all the coinage produced in these five years:
1481 | 1482 | 1483 | 1484 | 1485 | 1486 | Overall | |
Number of Golds | _ | 2.246 | _ | 1.111 | 310 | 1.131 | 4.798 |
Gross/Semi-Gross Quantity | 4.425 | 12.136 | 39.190 | 2.920 | _ | _ | 58.671 |
Number of Cornados | _ | 8.160 | 71.720 | 69.370 | 38.488 | _ | 187.738 |
Half Cornado Quantity | _ | _ | 38.432 | 38.364 | 26.400 | _ | 103.196 |
Summary of coins minted each year
These seigniorage and coinage accounts have many other interesting aspects. In these cases, instead of reporting the income collected in taxes, they reported the cash outflows in the payment of expenses incurred. Many of the cash outflows went to the salary payments of various officers (the guard itself, the assayer, the engraver and the general of the coins). Other outflows reflect the payments made to the iron and steel worker of the stacks and dies. The mint itself had its own repair work, especially the replacement of the roof and the purchase of the necessary tools and instruments for the minting of coins, which also included its written receipts.
But among these cash flow records, there are a couple that you should pay close attention to. Here is the first one:
Courtesy of the Royal Archives of Navarre AGN, Box 164, Document Subentry 21
Item VII of Agosto del ayno sobre decho de LXXXIII were deliberadas to Martin Cruzat general guarda dla dcha coina el quoa was appointed by his highness for resignation date of ymy Peton de Campront de Nabarrens to the said Martin Cruzat como resa por su probado desenpen por la Reyna ntra Señora a X días de Mayo del Ayno LXXXIII on which day Martin Cruzat deliberated for his gages as well as the essayator for the months of May, June and July last year VII pounds X salaries per month. – > XXII Pound X salary
Martin Cruzat is said to have received the post of general guard of the royal coins on 10 May 1483. His salary was considerably lower than that of a guard or deputy guard and he was given the responsibility after the resignation of a Bearnite (Peton de Campront, Navarren). This Martin's duties seemed to be related to control work and perhaps the meaning of "general" or general could reflect his role in both Bearn and Navarre's coins. This would explain the low salary he received (seven and a half francs, the equivalent of the mint's fee), which may have been the same amount he received from the Bearn mint.
But the three passages that follow are even more interesting. In these, we see a coin that appears for the first time in Navarrese history, the silver real, until the end of the 15th century.
Courtesy of the Royal Archives of Navarre AGN, Box 164, Document Subentry 21
Items were paid to the port dcho guarda Carlos de Larraya for the lawsuit that he made to paint in front of the court of a venturing man who opened his eyes to this strange man who practiced reviewing the deplated coins in strong agoas that was sold to the court Receta del dcho guarda a XXV de Sept del dcho ayno LXXXIII pal quoal pleyto fueron paidas al dcho Carlos tres reales q many I libra IIII sueldos
This cash flow statement explains the payment of the costs of a case brought to the courts of the court, where there was supposedly an adventurer who came to Pamplona, who stole silver from coins with the help of acids. The law severely punished these behaviors and the first payment of the costs of the case that had begun It was said to have been worth three reales, a total of one pound and four shillings. That is, one of these reales was worth 8 seudelos.
Courtesy of the Royal Archives of Navarre AGN, Box 164, Document Subentry 21
On the 13th of December of the year MCCCCLXXXLI, Pasquoal de Arangure was the secretary for the writing of the mandate that was given for the baptism of the right coin. V reals et deren assi port sealo del cho commandamiento a la chancelleria, Martin deliart secretary III escudos de oro qa IIII libras VIII sueldos montan todos – > XV Libras IIII sueldos
The next cash flow reports the payment to the secretary of Pascual de Aranguren. He is said to have prepared the document of the minting order created in November 1481 and received five reales in return. In addition, three gold shields were paid to the secretary of the chancery in return for the stamp that this minting order received. These gold shields were worth four pounds and eight shillings, less than the four pounds and twelve shillings of the gold coins of Febo that were about to be minted and that we have already mentioned. Since a total of 15 pounds and 4 shillings were paid, these five reales were worth 40 shillings, which means that each reale again gives us a value of 8 shillings in this passage.
Courtesy of the Royal Archives of Navarre AGN, Box 164, Document Subentry 21
Item the XV of February of the dcho year of MCCCCLXXXII paid to Pasquoal de Amezaga secretary for the writing of another mandate that was given by the very high and excellent lady Queen Dona Cathelina who succeeded in this her Kingdom by the death of Señor King Febo de Gloriosa memory por la quoal he said to the secretary VIII Reales and to the seal of the Chancellery for the expedition II escudos de oro to IIII libras VIII sueldos que monta todo -> XII libras
This last passage tells us what was paid to the secretary Pascual de Amezaga. This of the year 1482 In February, he is said to have prepared a document for the minting order guaranteed by Queen Catherine, which states: eight reales in compensation he received.
But how could Queen Catherine have issued this edict around February 1482, if King Francis died in January 1483? Catherine was not queen in 1482.
In exchange for the stamp, two gold shields were paid to the chancellery, again in gold coins worth four pounds and eight shillings. Since a total of 12 pounds were paid, these eight reales were worth 64 shillings (3 pounds and 4 shillings), that is, each reale was worth 8 shillings, after taking into account the 8 pounds and 16 shillings of the two gold coins.
These gold shields should mirror those made in the second half of the reign of John II (1458-1479). The copies are very rare and the only one I know of is in the French National Library:
Gold Shield of Navarre, carved between 1458 and 1479 – 4.38gr
Found: IOHANES:DI:GRA:REX:NAVARRE:ET:ARAG
Hell: BENEDICTVM:SIT:NOMEN:DNI:NRI:IHV:X:
Issue of the National Library of France (BNF)
But the weight of these John shields was higher than the gold coins of Francis or Catherine's time (4.40gr vs 3.30gr, despite the lower accounting value of 4 pounds and 8 shillings) and although we have no documentation of the gold content of the former, we can say that these gold shields indicated in the accounts represent the accounting entry of the value of these gold coins during John's reign, rather than physical coins.
Gold real minted in the name of Queen Catherine of Navarre (1483-1517) and King John III (1484-1516) from 1495 onwards – 3.30 gr – 23mm Diameter – Nominal gold content 933 thousandths
Found: +JOHANES:ET:KATHERINA:R
Ifrentzwu: +SIT:NOMEN:DOMINI:BENEDICTV
MUSEUM OF NAVARRE collection number N004846
If we return to silver reales, this value of 8 shillings explained by the accounts would clarify something for us. One silver real, four twelve-cornado gros coins or three physical sixteen-cornado silver gros coins of Francis analyzed would have equivalence. But what were these silver reales and what did they look like? Were there physical coins like these in Navarre?
Silver reales began to be minted in 1495 under the orders of Catherine and King John, about ten years after the time mentioned in these accounts. The weight of the reales was around the weight of the Franciscan gros, slightly less, but in silver content it was about three times greater than the gros. Therefore, the equivalence between one reale and three Franciscan gros represented by these accounts was entirely reasonable.
Silver real minted in the name of Queen Catherine of Navarre (1483-1517) and King John III (1484-1516) from 1495 onwards – 2.40 gr – 26mm Diameter – Nominal silver content 926.66 thousandths
Found: +IOHANES:Z:KATHERINA:REGES:NAV
Ifrentzwu: +SIT:NOMEN:DOMINI:BENEDICTVM
MUSEUM OF NAVARRE collection number N004856
Pedro Marzilla of Caparroso left his guarda position around 1493-1494 and, as can be seen in the accounts, he left the guarda responsibility and later cleared the accounts, ready to present them to the Chamber of Accounts. This would explain the reference in the accounts to a coin first minted in 1495. Or perhaps he is referring to a foreign real, but I would not consider this possibility for the moment. The name of the Tarja coin is also mentioned in the coins, and these also began to be minted in the second half of the last decade of the century.
This late writing of the accounts would explain another incident that has come to light. As we have seen, in numerous passages of the coinage accounts, Catherine appears as Queen from the beginning of 1482 onwards. But King Francis Phoebus died at the end of January 1483 in the palace of Pau. How can this time-matching error be explained? After consulting a couple of experts, we believe that Pedro, or one of his copyists, had the year of the king's death wrong in mind, and this error spread throughout the accounts. However, this error does not detract from the value of this truly excellent document!
Before we finish, let's look at the number of dies and stacks used.
Courtesy of the Royal Archives of Navarre AGN, Box 164, Document Subentry 21
Item assinto counted with Peton de Sant Johan puynalero for a size they failed but closed IIII dozens of trosseles to II Salaries and VI moneys paid to, and VIIII pills for tarjas and cornados a V sueldos que montan VIII libras V sueldos las quales le pague en tres bezes al dcho Peton – > VIII libras V sueldos
The amount received in return for each of the previously described piles and new dies is clearly shown in this passage. In some cases, Peton “Punyalero” would receive payment for the new dies, but in other cases, after renewing and steeling the old dies, he would receive a smaller monetary reward. The piles would have undergone similar recycling, but this is not reflected in the accounts.
The following table summarizes the number of used stacks and dies, both new and restored, that the coinage accounts reveal. I have compared this number of stacks and dies with the number of coins minted, so that we can have a better perspective.
1481 | 1482 | 1483 | 1484 | 1485 | 1486 | Overall | |
Number of Golds | _ | 2.246 | _ | 1.111 | 310 | 1.131 | 4.798 |
Gross/Semi-Gross Quantity | 4.425 | 12.136 | 39.190 | 2.920 | _ | _ | 58.671 |
Number of Cornados | _ | 8.160 | 71.720 | 69.370 | 38.488 | _ | 187.738 |
Half Cornado Quantity | _ | _ | 38.432 | 38.364 | 26.400 | _ | 103.196 |
Overall | 4.425 | 22.542 | 149.342 | 111.765 | 65.198 | 1.131 | 354.403 |
1481 | 1482 | 1483 | 1484 | 1485 | 1486 | Overall | |
Batteries | 8 | 26 | 8 | 42 | |||
Dies | 16 | 130 | 36 | 182 | |||
Summary of the number of stacks and dies reported by the coinage accounts
On average, each pile produced 8,438 coins and each die produced 1,947. Let's take these numbers into account, because they are very significant!
Bibliography:
Coins of FRancisco Febo, ephemeral king of Navarre (1479-1483) – Miguel IBAÑEZ ARTICA – 2017 – link
Senoreaje And Monetary Production In The Kingdom Of Navarre At The End Of The XV Century – Juan Carrasco – 2003 – link
Navarre medieval currency – Manual of Numismatics – Miguel IBAÑEZ ARTICA – 2021
Unpublished Navarran coins of Francisco Febus (1479-1483) and Catalina and Juan de Labrit (1483-1512) – MIQUEL CRUSSAFONT i SABATER – ACTA NUMISMATICA N°12 -1982 – link
LA MONEDA EN NAVARRA – MUSEO DE NAVARRA – EXPOSICION DEL 31 DE MAYO AL 25 DE NOV 2001. Miguel Ibáñez Artica – link
CATÁLOGO GENERAL DE LA MONEDA DE NAVARRA – Ricardo Ros Arrogante – 2013 – Altaffaylla argitaretxea
Currency Exchange Accounts Excel Sheet – From Monaco – Link
MEDIEVAL NUMISMÁTICA OF NAVARRA III: ACUÑACIONES DE BLANCA AND JUAN (1425-1441), CARLOS, PRINCE OF VIANA (1441-1461), JUAN II (1441-1479) AND FRANCISCO FEBO (1479-1483) – GACETA NUMISMATICA 199 June 2020- Miguel IBAÑEZ ARTICA – 2020
SOME CONSIDERATIONS ABOUT THE NAZARÍ MONEY – Dr. D. Alberto Canto García -2004